Revolutionary Politics

Chapter five in The Mexican Revolution: A Brief History with Documents portrays the many different sides of the Mexican Revolution between 1912 and 1928. The documents in this chapter are written by members of varying factions within the time period. Below are the different viewpoints of the men and women involved in the Mexican Revolution.

In 1912 a prominent family resisted Zapata’s forces in Morelos. Luis Garcia Pimentel documented his reasoning’s regarding the anarchy in the state of Morelos to the Secretary of Development, Colonization and Industry. His two main principles focused on the criminals freed by rebels in the beginning of the Maderista revolution. He believed that the cause of disturbances and anarchy stemmed from their unwillingness to return to prison and fulfill their pending terms. The Zapatistas believed in agrarian socialism which would divide up the land making it available for the use of their people. Pimentel claimed that some land was already divided and they did already own some small properties and he believed that the residents of Morelos had shown they did not know how to properly conserve the land. This made the haciendas owners feel that redistribution of the land was unjust and that their mass ownership of the land was legitimate.

Eduardo Iturbide, a wealthy landowner from Michoacan was a Governor of the Federal District appointed by Huerta in 1914. Iturbide’s document illustrates the corruption within Huerta’s government and the bullying tactics Huerta attempted and many times got away with during his political reign. Iturbide portrays himself in this document as an honorable law abiding Governor who did not give into the normal corruption and bribery that came along with holding a governmental post during the Mexican Revolution.

A primary document in Chapter 5 written by Venustiano Carranza addresses The Agrarian Law and how he intended to carry out and enforce the law in everyday Mexican society. The document was supposed to prove Carranza’s promise of giving back land to the rural population. However we now know even though he mapped out his plan in this document he didn’t end up carrying out the plan as promised. He basically used the document to gain support in the civil war against Villa and Zapata. He promised to create national, local and executive committees to “enforce” the Agrarian Laws.

During the Mexican civil war Carranza had to counter the widespread support for Villa and Zapata in the countryside by wooing urban workers in his favor. He did this by teaming up with the Casa del Obrero Mundial which was the leading union federation in Mexico. The document shown in this excerpt of Chapter 5 shows the reader the document used by Carranza to gain support and prove his loyalty to the union workers. In the document he offered the workers semiofficial status, allowed them to organize themselves and sided with their union over foreign employers. The men who signed the document became known as members of the Red Battalions. An interesting factor of the Red Battalions was that the men were not divided up into any formal group such as companies, regiments, brigades or divisions. The men were all designated as one unified group known as “reds”.

The document on page 117 is actually a speech given by Francisca Garcia Ortiz. Women from all over Mexico were invited to the convention who supported or wanted to hear more about the women’s rights movement. The speech address the women at the convention to “no longer think with nineteenth-century minds”, Ortiz says to change the status quo they needed to educate those who form society. For her men form society and by educating men it would then allow the women of society to be educated as well. It was the mother’s job in the home to mold the young man’s thought process and raise him with a more open mind to women’s rights to education and work outside of the home. 

Martin Luis Guzman was a part of Carranza’s inner circle and shows the reader a uniquely “cynical view of the maneuvering within the Constitutionalist ranks to enrich and empower their leaders.” The document illustrates a scene in which Carranza is addressing his political and governmental advisors. As he finishes his speech Angeles, his Minister of War makes a statement saying he believes that the art of warfare is something that can be learned and taught and better exercised the more an individual has studied it. Carranza counter’s his statement saying the only thing that is necessary or useful is goodwill in leading and governing men. The interesting part of this document is the thought process of Guzman as he sits around a table of Carranza’s men and no one is willing to speak out against the outspoken leader. Until Guzman speaks up it seems as though all the men do disagree with Carranza but refuse to speak out against him in fear of punishment or falling out of favor of the political leader. Guzman goes on to speak about his lack of interest in becoming a Mexican general in Carranza’s military and disrespect for Carranza as a political leader. He describes Carranza as an old stubborn man who would never change and continue to respond to flattery from his followers and servitude rather than actual ability by the men he put in governmental and military power. 

Paulino Gomez

Max Smith